Forty-eighth General Assembly GA/8521 Plenary 30 September 1993 10th Meeting (AM) PRESIDENT OF FORMER YUGOSLAV REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA TELLS ASSEMBLY CONTINUING CONFLICT IN BOSNIA THREATENS TO BECOME ALL-OUT BALKAN WAR Assembly Hears Addresses by Four Heads of State or Government, Statements by Three Foreign Ministers, as It Continues General Debate Kiro Gligorov, President of The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, said this morning that the continuing conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina threatened to become an all-out Balkan war. To attain permanent peace, it was necessary to reject the changing of borders by force, the use of ethnic cleansing and the failure to respect the rights of minorities. Particularly in the ethnically mixed Balkans and eastern Europe, to condone the use of force for territorial expansion could increase the potential for permanent inter-ethnic wars. Addressing the General Assembly as it continued its general debate, he cited the economic difficulties his country faced as a landlocked, developing country in transition. Those difficulties were compounded as a result of the United Nations sanctions imposed on Serbia and Montenegro. Although it was complying with the sanctions, his country could not be expected to bear the damages of such international action without timely assistance. Emomali Rakhmonov, Chairman of the Supreme Council of Tajikistan, said there could be no victors in the Tajikistan conflict and expressed his Government's willingness to normalize the situation at the Tajik-Afghan border. The internal conflict in his country had taken on a regional dimension owing to the provocation of a neighbouring State. He said the huge resources feeding the conflict should be used to build rather than destroy and emphasized that a return of peace to Afghanistan would benefit Tajikistan, as well as the entire world. He expressed the hope that, with resolution of the conflict, the efforts of the international community towards his country would increasingly be focused on sustainable development programmes and the implementation of "Agenda 21" of the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED). (page 1a follows) General Assembly Plenary - 1a - Press Release GA/8521 10th Meeting (AM) 30 September 1993 Issaias Afwerki, President of Eritrea, expressed concern about the marginalization of Africa. While that continent bore primary responsibility for its situation, he said, the international community must face the responsibility it bore for Africa's plight. Many dictators who had sown havoc and suffering had been brought to power and upheld by sections of the international community. The now discredited economic policies and failed projects had been designed and approved by international donors and implemented under the direction of an army of foreign experts and advisers. He said there had been repeated mistakes in the United Nations operation in Somalia, leading some to call for an immediate end to the intervention. However, a precipitate withdrawal of United States troops would plunge the country into a catastrophe much worse than the anarchy which prompted the original intervention. The countries of the region should be consulted and involved in the process in Somalia in a more meaningful, formalized way. Rafic Hariri, Prime Minister of Lebanon, said his country demanded the total withdrawal of Israel from all occupied Lebanese territory, in accordance with Security Council resolutions. The Lebanese armed forces would assume full responsibility for security in the south, once Israel implemented the provisions of those resolutions. Mr. Hariri said peace was indivisible and could not be attained by unilateral deals and partial solutions. There would be no firm or durable peace in the Middle East without Lebanon and Syria. The accord reached between Israel and the Palestinians would remain an isolated step unless it was complemented by quick and substantive solutions on the other Arab tracks. To achieve a just and lasting peace, Lebanon remained willing to cooperate fully with the co-sponsors of the Middle East peace process. Statements were also made by the Foreign Ministers of Italy, Hungary and Ghana. At the outset of the meeting, Samuel R. Insanally (Guyana), Assembly President, expressed the Assembly's deepest sympathy to the Government and people of India for the tragic loss of life and extensive material damage which had resulted from the earthquake that struck India today. He expressed hope that the international community would show its solidarity and respond promptly and generously to any request for help. The representative of India expressed appreciation for the President's words and called for greater international cooperation in responding to such natural disasters. When the Assembly meets again at 3 p.m. today, it will hear an address by Lennart Meri, President of Estonia. Statements are also to be made by the Deputy Prime Minister of Kuwait, as well as by the Foreign Ministers of Ukraine, Portugal, Spain, Finland, Mauritius, Turkey, Gabon and the Seychelles. (page 2 follows) General Assembly Plenary - 2 - Press Release GA/8521 10th Meeting (AM) 30 September 1993 Assembly Work Programme The Assembly met this morning to hear addresses by Kiro Gligorov, President of The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia; Emomali Rakhmonov, Chairman of the Supreme Council of Tajikistan; Issaias Afwerki, President of Eritrea; and Rafic Hariri, Prime Minister of Lebanon. Statements were also expected from the Foreign Ministers of Italy, Hungary and Ghana. Statements KIRO GLIGOROV, President of The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, said an important element of his country's foreign policy was to promote good-neighbourly relations and to incorporate the principles of the new European architecture in the troubled region of the Balkans. Such a foreign policy was consistent with the internal development of his country, which was oriented towards a market economy, democracy, a legal state, human rights and harmony in inter-ethnic relations. The adverse situation in the world today was a source of concern, he said, adding that he was not fully satisfied with the efforts and the results that the United Nations had achieved in resolving current crises. The number of acute and potential military conflicts was increasing, and the efforts put in by the Organization for finding peaceful settlement had been enormous. Regretfully, the results had not always been productive, which was, to a certain extent, due to the absence of a wider implementation of preventive diplomatic measures and activities. He viewed the continuance of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina as a threat of an all-out Balkan War. The most terrible post-war drama was unfolding in the heart of Europe, with massive killings, massive destruction, more than 2 million refugees, inane acts of ethnic cleansing and genocide. Permanent peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina would not be possible without compliance with and preservation of the fundamental principles of international law, the United Nations Charter and the principles of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), he said. Those principles were: that borders could not be changed by force; that the international community did not recognize or accept ethnic cleansing; and, that the rights of minorities must be respected. Without those preconditions, not only would permanent peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina be impossible, but it would also set a precedent which would incite new conflicts. To condone the use of force and military superiority for territorial expansion and revision would mean to inflate other tensions, especially in the ethnically intermixed Balkans and the countries of Eastern Europe, thereby condoning the potential for permanent inter-ethnic wars. His country was vitally interested in seeing an end to the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina and in attaining peace on permanent foundations, he continued. It had undertaken a number of timely preventive measures in cooperation with the United Nations, including cooperating in the deployment of a contingent of United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) forces in his country. That decision of the Security Council, resolution 795 (1992), had (more) General Assembly Plenary - 3 - Press Release GA/8521 10th Meeting (AM) 30 September 1993 demonstrated the enormous advantages of preventive diplomacy. The peace-keeping forces of the United Nations, enforced by the United States contingent, were of great importance and had greatly increased the feelings of security and trust in the peace-keeping activities of the United Nations on the part of the citizens of the Republic of Macedonia. His country's efforts were aimed at establishing good-neighbourly relations and at resolving all existing problems with its southern neighbour, he said. Because of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the implementation of United Nations sanctions against Serbia and Montenegro, and the remains of bloc divisions prevalent until recently, the Balkans today did not function on natural regional principles. Economic and cultural ties, communications, the free flow of people, goods and ideas had practically been severed. In order to join the twenty-first century and a Europe of open borders and cooperation, it was essential that the Balkans undergo major changes. The principles of the CSCE and the processes within the European Community were the only option for peace, stability and economic revival in the Balkans. However, that implied that all Balkan States, which had chosen the European option, be allowed gradual integration into the European Community. Citing the deterioration of the economic situation in the world, he said the expectations of a faster recovery of the developed countries from the recession had not been realized, a necessary condition for their increased participation in the development of developing countries and countries in transition. Because of that situation, and the firm conviction that the period after the cold war must not grow into a period of economic conflicts, much more could be done in seeking a way out of the current difficult economic and social situation in the world. A very important prerequisite for the realization of the goal of liberalization of world trade was the successful outcome of the Uruguay Round of General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) negotiations. Issues regarding the arrears, and access of developing countries and countries in transition to international financial markets must also be resolved. On human rights, he said violations had reached epidemic proportions in the past year. The negotiations in Vienna at the Conference on Human Rights had clearly shown that the current mechanisms for implementing existing human rights instruments were not efficient, and much improvement was needed in such areas as the rights of ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities. He expressed his support for the commencement of operations of the Human Rights Commission according to the Convention for Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minority Rights, and an examination of the need for establishing a United Nations high commission for minorities, with headquarters in Geneva. All unresolved ethnic minorities issues could well lead to future military conflicts, especially in certain regions of the world. It was, therefore, essential to take immediate preventive measures in that area as well, he added. As a country in transition, a landlocked country, a country of transit and a developing country, the economic situation in his country was very difficult, he continued. The situation was further compounded by the (more) General Assembly Plenary - 4 - Press Release GA/8521 10th Meeting (AM) 30 September 1993 consequences of the United Nations sanctions imposed on Serbia and Montenegro, sanctions with which his country had strictly complied. As a result, this year alone, the gross national product (GNP) had been cut in half, external trade reduced considerably and transport costs had increased immensely. It was inconceivable to expect a small country to bear the damages of an international action of that form on its own, without solidarity and timely assistance. In accordance with the preventive measures, assistance should be provided now, not subsequent to social clashes which might grow into new conflicts. During the current General Assembly session, his delegation would present direct proposals regarding the problem of compensation of damages incurred as a result of implementing the sanctions, the problems deriving from the position of landlocked countries, as well as other issues related to peace and cooperation, he concluded. EMOMALI RAKHMONOV, Chairman of the Supreme Council of Tajikistan, noting that he was speaking for the first time to the General Assembly, said Tajikistan had taken the first steps as a subject of international law and it was aware that as a member of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), it had particular obligations. Referring to those who thought his Government was guilty of unleashing a civil war, he said that, in the Tajikistan conflict, there could be no victors. The process of healing the country and the people from the scars of that war was the national task in which the country was engaged. He said Tajikistan's national economy had been set up as a part of the former Soviet Union, whose collapse had created many problems for the Tajik economy. Those problems had created, in their aftermath, social tensions as well as a struggle for power, which had split the society apart and had resulted in many dead and missing persons. Internal instability was the main cause of Tajikistan's problems, including its economic problems. Reviewing measures being taken by his Government to tackle those problems, he emphasized that today the people and the society as a whole in his country were aware that the highest power in the State was the law. There was a determination to carry out a democractic transformation in the country, respecting and protecting fundamental freedoms and human rights. In addition, market-based rules were being introduced on a step-by-step basis. Decrees on amnesty had been issued. The Government was prepared to engage in dialogue with all social forces in the country in the spirit of democracy. Moreover, election laws were to be issued and a new constitution was to be drafted which would emphasize the human rights of all people. Referring to the regionalization of the internal Tajikistan conflict, which had spread to the Tajik-Afghan border, he reviewed recent events resulting from the fact that Tajikistan had been provoked by a neighbouring State. His country had had to deal with the problem of self-defence, including the safety of its border. He stressed that the actions it had taken had not gone beyond the provision of Article 51 of the Charter. He expressed his Government's willingness to normalize the situation on the Tajik-Afghan border. Huge resources were being used to feed that (more) General Assembly Plenary - 5 - Press Release GA/8521 10th Meeting (AM) 30 September 1993 conflict. It would be wiser to use those resources to build and not to destroy, he said. Addressing the problem of Tajik refugees, he said that more important than discussion of how they had arrived in Afghanistan, was discussion of the need that they should go back to their country. A total of 35,000 had already returned, he said, expressing the hope that the voluntary return process would continue. Preparations were under way for the conclusion of a Tajik-Afghan-United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) agreement which he hoped would be signed as quickly as possible. He emphasized that returning peace to Afghanistan would be of benefit to Tajikistan and to the entire world, as a restless Afghanistan was a serious destabilizing factor to the international community. Turning to Tajikistan's relations with the Russian Federation, he commended the peace-keeping efforts undertaken by Russia, as well as the United States and by Asian countries in the territory of the former Soviet Union. He expressed the hope that Tajikistan would soon be removed from the list of countries with conflicts. As a country which had experienced the horrors of a civil war, Tajikistan was concerned over the hot spots in the world, including the former Yugoslavia and the post-Soviet era Caucasus, he said. He called on the international community to multiply its efforts to solve those conflicts and to prevent the explosion of others. He warned against an increase in the trade in arms . That present trend was leading to the arming of entire regions. Based on its own experience, Tajikistan was well aware of the danger of that trend. Tajikistan opposed the use of nuclear energy for non-peaceful purposes, he added. The end of the cold war had created real hopes, he said. Unfortunately, events so far had showed that such hopes had not been entirely justified. However, there had been some notable events in world affairs, including the signing of a mutual recognition agreement by the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and Israel; and the fact that the United States had recognized the PLO. He commended the peace-keeping and humanitarian efforts of the United Nations, particularly those which had focused on his country. He expressed the hope that the efforts of the international community towards his country would increasingly be focused on sustainable development and the implementation of "Agenda 21". In concluding, he said Tajikistan looked to the future with a feeling of optimism, which he hoped was justified. ISSAIAS AFWERKI, President of Eritrea, said he could not help but remember the appeals that Eritrea had sent, year in and year out, to the Assembly and the Member countries of the United Nations describing the plight of its people and asking for legitimate sympathy, support and recognition. The United Nations had been appealed to not only in its capacity as a (more) General Assembly Plenary - 6 - Press Release GA/8521 10th Meeting (AM) 30 September 1993 representative of the international community, but also because of its special responsibility to Eritrea. It was the United Nations that decided in 1950, at the beginning of the cold war, to deny the colonized people of Eritrea their right to self-determination, thereby sacrificing their national and human rights on the altar of the strategic interests of the super-Powers. In passing that resolution, the United Nations affirmed that it "remained an international instrument" and that the General Assembly "could be seized of" the issue at any time, he continued. But for the next 41 years as a brutal war of aggression was conducted against the Eritrean people, initially with the active support of the United States and later with a much worse and massive involvement of the former Soviet Union, and despite the repeated appeals of the Eritrean people, the United Nations refused to raise its voice in the defence of a people whose future it had unjustly decided and whom it had pledged to protect. Not once in 41 years did Eritrea, scene of the longest war in Africa, and victim of some of the grossest violations of human rights, figure in the agenda of the United Nations, he said. Justice had finally prevailed, he said. While he rejoiced at the peace and freedom that had been attained and the promising prospects that lay ahead, the extent of the physical and economic destruction visited on Eritrea, as well as more than 150,000 people killed, one-quarter of the population exiled and more than 100,000 disabled and orphaned, were appalling by any standard, especially when measured against the meager resources and small size of the population. Although he was confident that Eritrea could rebuild and that outside assistance, no matter how generous, could not of itself solve the problems, Eritrea's resources were too limited at this time for the awesome task of rehabilitation. "Will the United Nations and the international community come to our assistance this time or will our pleas once again go unheeded?" he asked. Eritrea needed and deserved international support and assistance, he continued. It was a test case for the Secretary-General's "An Agenda for Peace" and the whole concept of peace-building. Eritrea had not only secured peace and stability, it had made the rare achievement of establishing warm relations of cooperation with its former enemy, Ethiopia. It was tackling the task of reconstruction with popular support and participation, with commitment and determination, with sound and flexible policies, with prudent and efficient utilization of limited resources and with a demonstrated readiness to promote regional understanding and cooperation. Unfortunately, the response of the United Nations and the international community so far had not been encouraging, he said. United Nations contributions to the Eritrean referendum -- one of the most successful electoral processes that the United Nations had been involved in -- was less than $2 million, a meager sum compared to the tens of millions of dollars devoted to similar exercises, many of which had been dismal failures. Similarly, the response of the international community to the programme for the repatriation of half-a-million Eritrean refugees from the Sudan fell far short of reasonable expectations and the Government had found no alternative but to start the programme, regardless of funds and expected problems. (more) General Assembly Plenary - 7 - Press Release GA/8521 10th Meeting (AM) 30 September 1993 Eritrea had also embarked on a crucial demobilization programme, demobilizing close to one-third of its 90,000-person army during the first phase, without United Nations or other contribution. It had to cut back some of its rehabilitation and development projects and borrow money to finance that first phase. The international aid programme was deeply flawed, unfair and unjust, ill-structured to respond to the vital needs of recipient communities, he said. One of the most disquieting features of the present international situation was the marginalization of the entire continent of Africa, he continued. Every indicator showed that Africa was being left behind, resulting in intolerable poverty, suffering and desperation for millions of people. There was no denying that the onus of the responsibility for those problems fell first and foremost on Africans, but the international community must squarely face the fact that it also had responsibility for Africa's plight. Many of the dictators who had sown so much havoc and suffering were, in fact, brought to power and sustained during the years of the cold war by sections of the international community. Perhaps more significant, the now discredited economic policies and the failed projects were generally designed and approved of by international donors and implemented under the direction of an army of foreign experts and advisors. Africa's marginalization, the poverty and desperation of its people, of its youth, could not be walled within the continent's boundaries, he said. It was bound to threaten global prosperity and stability. The frustration and resentment that continued to swell might well explode and must be defused in time, he said. Once again, it was Africa that must seize its own destiny. Its people and leaders must tap deep into their human and material resources and come up with the wisdom, strategy and commitment to lift up Africa from the mire. But, as they embarked on that difficult road, the international community needed to come to their assistance, not with the familiar packages and projects, but in a spirit of partnership. Not everything in Africa had been bleak though, he continued. Just as gross human failure was not limited to Africa -- witness events in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the former Soviet Union and elsewhere -- Africa had its share of positive and uplifting developments and successes. In view of the positive developments in the Horn of Africa, the tragedy that had gripped Somalia had been profoundly disturbing. Despite Eritrea's opposition, in principle, to external military intervention, it realized early on that the extraordinary situation in Somalia demanded extraordinary measures. Encouraged by the decision of the United States Administration to intervene in Somalia, Eritrea had sought individually and in conjunction with regional partners -- to ensure that the intervention be guided by clear and comprehensive security, humanitarian and political objectives. Unfortunately, those views on the size, type and stay of the intervention force needed for the success of the mission were not heeded, although Eritrea and its regional partners were better placed to understand the realities of neighboring Somalia. Nevertheless, he recognized and appreciated the achievements of the international intervention in Somalia. Despite mistakes which had led some (more) General Assembly Plenary - 8 - Press Release GA/8521 10th Meeting (AM) 30 September 1993 people to openly call for an immediate end to the intervention, he said that a precipitate withdrawal of United States troops -- which Eritrea had strongly warned against from the beginning -- would not only signal a lack of United States commitment to the intervention, but it would eventually make the position of United Nations Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM II) untenable. Somalia would be plunged into a catastrophe much worse than the anarchy that prompted the intervention in the first place. He urged the United States and the international community at large to stay the course in Somalia and to shoulder their responsibility to the Somali people. The countries of the region, whose role had so far been deliberately or otherwise neglected, could make a constructive contribution to the international effort, he said. Consulting them informally, or only on occasion, as had been the case in the past, was clearly not enough. They needed to become part of the process in a more meaningful and formalized way, he said, as the situation concerned and affected them directly. RAFIC HARIRI, Prime Minister of Lebanon, said the changes sweeping across the world today placed new responsibilities on the United Nations. All must therefore provide it with the necessary means for fulfilling its expanding mandates, while the Organization should streamline itself to adapt to the demands of the future. The world was now ready to develop a universal vision of mankind based on a universal code of ethics and human rights. After years of rivalries that paralyzed it, the United Nations was being increasingly called upon to engage in peace-keeping activities in an unprecedented fashion. He spoke of Lebanon's well-known tradition of firm commitment to the principles of democracy, freedom and human rights, and its success in upholding those principles despite the dangers which threatened it for many years. In view of its unique experience, he said, his country deserved international support in efforts to rebuild what the civil war destroyed and to bolster the Lebanese system. The need for the example set by that system is all the more urgent in view of the many ethnic and religious conflicts currently raging in various regions. With its time-honoured tradition of coexistence, moderation and tolerance, Lebanon could serve as a living example to those, even in advanced societies, who were searching for a successful formula for social harmony. The Lebanese were proud to be able to present to the world, after their long suffering, a true example of the resilience of human nature with its wealth of intellect and vivid diversity. Particularly in the Middle East, it was necessary to safeguard a legacy of that kind from violence. He said the magnitude and intensity of conflicts that had taken place on Lebanese soil proved that Lebanon was too strong to be eliminated and had long-established traditions that would stand the test of time. Lebanon considered that its major loss, perhaps, had been the migration of many of its most talented and skilled young people. One of its major concerns now was to create favourable conditions that would attract them back. Such human resources could be instrumental in speedily rebuilding a better society that (more) General Assembly Plenary - 9 - Press Release GA/8521 10th Meeting (AM) 30 September 1993 would enjoy peace, democracy and prosperity. He reaffirmed his country's commitment to peace and to the Charter. Between 1968 and 1993, he continued, more than 80 United Nations resolutions and statements on Lebanon were issued. If the sheer volume of official United Nations records on Lebanon were to be compared with documents submitted to ordinary courts, it would become instantly clear that, on the scale of international justice, the body of evidence weighed in on the side of Lebanon. The Lebanese had always been deeply bitter over the fact that political interests had prevailed over justice and the rule of law, resulting in the application of double standards. Scores of resolutions adopted by the United Nations had called for an end to violence in Lebanon, supporting respect for its national sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence. He cited the effective role played by the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) and paid tribute to the many United Nations personnel who had made sacrifices, including the loss of life, in the line of duty in southern Lebanon. Lebanon expected the United Nations to work forcefully for the implementation of Security Council resolution 425 (1978) and to ensure the total withdrawal by Israel to the internationally recognized boundaries. Peace in Lebanon continued to be the sine qua non for stability and a just and comprehensive peace in the Middle East. In 1989, the Lebanese agreed by consensus on a new formula for national reconciliation, which was worked out in Taif, Saudi Arabia, he said. Subsequently, with Syria's help, his country took steps to disarm the militias, put an end to fighting and restore the authority of the State. It also embarked on a rehabilitation programme in all spheres of life. However, at the same time, it had to face occupation and violence. Israeli acts of aggression, which had clear objectives and purposes, were met by the Lebanese with a high sense of responsibility, solidarity and internal unity. Their spontaneous response was insistence on peace and securing the safety and progress of the country, which paid dearly for being used as an arena to settle accounts among conflicting parties. He drew attention to the Al-Khiyam detention camp, where, he said, Israeli military authorities were holding more than 200 Lebanese citizens without any legal grounds. Moreover, 100 other Lebanese prisoners were being held in different prisons inside Israel. Despite the repeated appeals by the United Nations Commission on Human Rights and Amnesty International, in addition to the demands made by the Lebanese Government and the human rights societies in Lebanon and in the Arab world, the Israeli authorities refused to release them. Furthermore, Israel had, for more than eight years, denied visits to those prisoners by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) or by family members. It was high time for Israel to respond to the appeals by releasing those hostages promptly. In fact, Israel was duty-bound to do so in compliance with relevant international treaties and conventions. "Lebanon yearns for peace and has consistantly opted for peace throughout its history", he said. In fact, Lebanon could thrive only in an atmosphere of (more) General Assembly Plenary - 10 - Press Release GA/8521 10th Meeting (AM) 30 September 1993 peace and stability. All the peoples of the region, including Lebanon, had enormous potential, backed by a great cultural heritage and diverse capabilities. Energies and resources that had long been squandered on wars could now be harnessed in the service of social and economic development. In view of regional and international developments, Lebanon had entered into negotiations with Israel two years ago, despite the fact that parts of its territory had been under occupation as a result of aggression committed by Israel in 1978. If Israel cited the security of its northern border as a pretext for its actions, he would argue that all the measures taken by Israel, including the occupation of territory, contributed to the disruption of security. The only way to ensure regional security was to end the occupation of Lebanese territory. He said that Lebanon demanded the total withdrawal of Israel from all the occupied Lebanese territory, in accordance with Security Council resolutions 425 (1978) and 426 (1978). The Lebanese armed forces would assume full responsibility for security in the south once Israel implemented the provisions of those resolutions. Lebanon, which believed in and sought peace, would be among the first beneficiaries of a just peace as it expanded to cover the region, he said. Along with its Arab brethren, Lebanon would be an active participant in making peace, supporting its evolution and advocating its consolidation as an underpinning of life in the Middle East. Lebanon had painful experiences as a result of unilateral deals and partial solutions, he said. Therefore, it believed that peace was indivisible, especially in the Middle East, where issues were so interlinked. Unilateral or partial arrangements were bound to be causes for new disputes and conflicts. He emphasized that there would be no firm or durable peace in the Middle East without Lebanon and Syria. The accord reached between Israel and the Palestinians would remain an isolated step unless it was complemented by quick and substantive solutions on the other Arab tracks. As a country of limited size, a delicate population composition and scant economic resources, Lebanon could not provide a solution for the Palestinians who had been uprooted from their land. The responsibility for the return of the Palestinians to their homeland and for finding a satisfactory solution to their status, remained within the competence of the international community. In order to achieve peace, Lebanon was willing to cooperate fully with the two co-sponsors of the peace conference -- particularly the United States -- to reach a comprehensive and just solution that would safeguard the right of all parties to permanent peace and which would finally end all conflicts in the region. BENIAMINO ANDREATTA, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Italy, said peace-keeping had recently acquired a special role. Peace-keeping, peace enforcement and humanitarian relief missions took place in the midst of conflicts with complex political causes and tangled ethnic and national (more) General Assembly Plenary - 11 - Press Release GA/8521 10th Meeting (AM) 30 September 1993 roots. In such an environment, the traditional positions of diplomacy and military action no longer corresponded to reality and a broad initial mandate was no longer sufficient, he said. The unity of military command was an unquestionable principle, he continued. However, the political management of an operation could not be confined to strictly military options, especially when the real issue was not the legitimacy of the use of force, which might be clearly authorized by the Security Council's mandate, but rather its advisability and timing. Troop-contributing countries to United Nations peace-keeping missions needed mechanisms that would exempt their troops from passively abiding by orders that might be illegal, inconsistent, or in contradiction with the operation's aims. The United Nations peace-keeping practices showed a need for adequate prior consultation with troop-contributing countries. Article 44 of the Charter provided for the Security Council to establish consultative procedures with non-Security Council Members that had been requested to contribute troops to peace-keeping and security operations. The situation in Somalia was characterized by the high priority given to the military aspect of the UNOSOM operation and a standstill in the political process, he said. It was essential that the United Nations step up its political efforts at peacemaking by appointing a personality of great international prestige to renew the political and diplomatic initiative with all the Somali factions. At the same time, the mechanisms of the Addis Ababa Conference should be reactivated, to increase the involvement of the African nations. But the predominantly political nature of the operation to restore hope in Somalia must be translated into the progressive reconstruction of Somalia's basic economic and social structures and the reorganization of its government. His Government supported a reform of the United Nations institutional mechanisms, including changes in the membership of the Security Council, he said. In addition to the permanent members with veto power and non-permanent members, a third category should be established, made up of countries able to make a special contribution to achieving the objectives of the United Nations. The criteria for selection should be based on economic factors, human resources, culture, and mass communications. Those countries would rotate in pairs, thereby becoming semi-permanent members. The CSCE, which had been explicitly defined as a regional institution on the basis of the United Nations Charter was being called on to play an increasing role in preventive diplomacy, peace-keeping and in fostering negotiated settlements, he said. In that regional framework, his Government, which was about to assume chairmanship of the CSCE, welcomed more stringent regulations on arms transfers that built on the present United Nations provisions. In addition, as the international community prepared to support the implementation of an agreement in Bosnia, the war crimes and the crimes against humanity committed during that tragic conflict must not be forgotten. He applauded the establishment of the International Tribunal. Where (more) General Assembly Plenary - 12 - Press Release GA/8521 10th Meeting (AM) 30 September 1993 appropriate, the Tribunal should hand down tough sentences, though his Government firmly opposed the death sentence on the basis of its time-honoured juridical traditions. An issue of great contemporary relevance was the protection of minorities, he continued. There was no contradiction between the protection of minorities and the stability of borders. On the contrary, as the experience of his country showed, they could reinforce each other. On another issue, disarmament and non-proliferation, even in the post-cold war era, must be a main objective of the international community. Past disarmament initiatives must be completed. Italy strongly supported the early ratification of Treaty on the Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms (START II). The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) must be strictly observed. The unclear attitude of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea towards the NPT was a matter of great concern. In 1995 the Treaty should be renewed unconditionally and for an indefinite period. As a Mediterranean country with a long tradition of active involvement for stability and peace in the Middle East, he said Italy was ready to contribute further to help the entire region take the first steps on a long and complex journey towards peace and cooperation, with borders permanently defined in accordance with Security Council resolutions. Also, development policies must be conducted in a spirit of solidarity and on the basis of multilateral coordination. Such coordination must also be extended to bilateral initiatives, and closer cooperation between agencies was needed. That approach had already produced successful results in Mozambique, Eritrea and even in war-torn Somalia. It must now be applied to endorse the peace process in the Middle East. The donors' conference, about to open in Washington, would provide an important occasion to translate political support into action. GEZA JESZENSZKY, Foreign Minister of Hungary, said the rebirth of central and eastern Europe economic and social processes there had brought forth a political and ethnic fundamentalism which had unleashed or could lead to conflicts that threatened the security of all of Europe. All nations should realize the danger of that venomous contagion if it were left to spread. Hungary was concerned about the developments of the crisis in the former Yugoslavia. As a country immediately adjacent to the crisis area it had sought to avoid being dragged into the conflict, while abiding by the relevant decisions of the international community. The crisis was not limited to the war-torn areas of Bosnia or Croatia. It festered in Serbia where there was growing pressure on the different ethnic communities, including the Hungarian community in Vojvodina. In that formerly autonomous province, the successive waves of persecution and discrimination had significantly reduced the Hungarian minority, thereby creating a constant threat of a further massive influx of refugees into Hungary. It was of utmost importance to seek adequate international protection for those ethnic communities and national minorities. (more) General Assembly Plenary - 13 - Press Release GA/8521 10th Meeting (AM) 30 September 1993 Due to its geographical situation, he said, Hungary was confronted with special economic problems arising from the implementation of sanctions imposed by the Security Council on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro). Economic and financial losses had reached $1 billion. He urged international organizations and institutions to find early solutions to help alleviate those pressing problems, and called for an effective mechanism for the implementation of Article 50 of the Charter. Furthermore, it was totally unacceptable to take retaliatory measures in response to actions by any State in fulfilment of its obligations under the Charter, such as attempts at blocking free and safe navigation on the Danube river. It was important that the international community employ preventive diplomacy and crisis management. Hungary was interested in a comprehensive review and enhancement of the United Nations peace-keeping, peacemaking and peace-building activities, he said. It understood the pressing financial situation of the world Organization and had eliminated all its arrears to the regular budget. A review of the provisions of the Charter was also needed. Charter provisions that implied a distinction among United Nations Member States on the basis of their status of signatory or enemy State should be eliminated. He supported the enlargement of the permanent membership of the Security Council to include Germany and Japan. Finally, Hungary supported the establishment of a post of high commissioner for human rights. OBED ASAMOAH, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ghana, said that as part of the search for enduring peace, the pursuit of the goals of total disarmament must continue. The proposed arms register should include national production of arms and all other weapons of mass destruction. He welcomed the efforts of the United Nations to shoulder the increasing burden of peace-keeping and peacemaking, which served as a positive check on the threat to international peace and security. There were lessons to be drawn for current and future operations, he said. For example, the holding of elections in Angola and Cambodia without the fulfilment of certain conditions, such as disarmament and cantonment of troops, was tactically unhelpful, a mistake which the United Nations did not intend to repeat in Mozambique. In expressing disappointment at the continued instability that had engulfed the former Yugoslavia, he said that the readiness of the United Nations to act decisively in Somalia contrasted sharply with the timidity and hesitation that had marked its presence in the former Yugoslavia and threatened to erode the credibility of the Organization. Therefore, he welcomed Security Council resolution 859 (1993), which called for an immediate cease-fire and cessation of hostilities throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina, as essential for achieving a just and equitable political solution to the conflict. Turning to other areas, he welcomed the historic agreements on limited autonomy for Palestine and on the mutual recognition between Israel and the PLO and expressed hope for solutions to the situations in Cyprus and the Sudan. (more) General Assembly Plenary - 14 - Press Release GA/8521 10th Meeting (AM) 30 September 1993 He went on to say that the United Nations had recorded laudable success in decolonization. The independence of Namibia was the latest in the success stories of decolonization. However, the remaining Territories and peoples under colonial rule rendered premature any conclusion that the decolonization process had been completed. He also welcomed the progress made in the negotiations in South Africa, but said that apartheid was far from being completely eradicated. The process of democratization needed to be completed in that country to enable all its citizens to exercise their voting rights. The world community had a responsibility to maintain its vigilance regarding South Africa until the 27 April 1994 election that would put in place an acceptable constitutional programme for a transitional Government, based, for the first time in the history of that country, on universal adult suffrage. The impasse over Western Sahara was also a matter for concern. The United Nations peace plan must be allowed to work and the timetable set for the holding of elections be respected by all. Regarding peacemaking and peace-keeping, he said that suggestions had been made in the Assembly that the United Nations should limit its commitments, and that it should not take on every conflict. But the crucial question was which conflict it must address and which ones must it decline to be involved in. The unity of the purposes of the Charter compelled a recognition that a threat to peace anywhere was a threat to peace everywhere. Continuing, he said that even if the suggestions had merit either on the grounds of lack of funds or constraints in logistics or the United Nations inability to heal all the world's wounds, the United Nations must see all the peace-keeping assignments it was engaged in through to their logical conclusion. The United Nations could not, at this juncture, turn its back on South Africa, Liberia, Rwanda, Angola, Mozambique, Haiti, Somalia and the former Yugoslavia. It would be a sad day, indeed, if all those laudable initiatives were abandoned on the grounds of well-reasoned arguments pleading lack of funds or the will to help them achieve peace. In recognition of the fact that the United Nations could not undertake too many new initiatives, it should devise mechanisms for shoring up regional efforts at conflict resolution, such as in Liberia. On the situation in Somalia, he said that whatever mistakes UNOSOM might have made, it was grotesque for any Somali leader to seek to be a hero by engaging the United Nations in combat. Such a show of ingratitude might have long-term, damaging consequences in terms of the willingness of Member States to undertake humanitarian missions. Any leader who had the interests of his people at heart needed to reflect on the consequences for the Somali people, should the United Nations decide to abort UNOSOM. It was noteworthy that many of the conflicts were in the developing countries. He hoped the call for limiting the peace-keeping role of the United Nations was not an attempt to escape the burden of engaging in the solution of the political problems in those countries, in the same way that the fundamental economic concerns of those countries had been marginalized. (more) General Assembly Plenary - 15 - Press Release GA/8521 10th Meeting (AM) 30 September 1993 The Foreign Minister said that it was important to address the fundamental factors that generated many conflicts, since a great proportion of those problems could be traced to economic deprivation and underdevelopment. It was often the poorest countries, or countries where economic decline had been steep, that relapsed into savage violence. The source of the condition of underdevelopment could be largely traced to a global economic system that had been inimical to the interests of developing and poor countries. As a consequence, it was time for the United Nations to address some of the fundamental economic issues that hampered all efforts to eradicate global poverty. The perennial problems that plagued the economies of the South must now be fully tackled as part of the energetic search for world peace. The United Nations must place development and the crucial need for restructuring the world economy on its priority list, side-by-side, if not above, its peace-keeping and peacemaking agenda. It was time to realize that peace-keeping and peacemaking could only be efficiently constructed, and the problems that generated conflicts resolved, if the issue of development was promoted with vigour, he concluded. * *** * .